No Tunnel No Way 1

No Tunnel No Way (3CR, Melbourne)

CBAA Web Articles., 18th September 2014
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By Annie McLoughlin

Imagine
You get a letter.
Your house is to be 'compulsorily acquired' for a toll road.
The house you were born in.
The house you have lived in for 70 years.
This is what happened to Keith Fitzgerald, residen of Collingwood, Melbourne in 2013. 
Keith and hundreds of other Melbournians join together in a campaign of resistance against the East West Link Project. This project plans to cut a swathe through Collingwood, Clifton Hill, Fitzroy on into park lands of Royal Park.
No Tunnel No Way documents their struggle.

The Picket
The protest starts with a six month long picket around the Linking Melbourne Authorities exploratory drilling. Stationed along the main thorough fare of Alexander Parade morning commuters are given a front row seat to the struggle. Hundreds of police protecting drilling sites & the demonstrators who are calling for better Public Transport not a new toll road. Toot for Trains.

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Photo by www.aaronclaringbold.com

The Rally & Legal Action
Once the drilling stops campaigners go on outreach tours to other Victorian communities. They build up to a Rally and take legal action. Victorian's are not going to go quietly when it comes to tying up $8 billion of public money without a business plan from a Government elected on a pro-public transport platform.

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Photo by www.aaronclaringbold.com

Timing is Everything
Victoria goes to the polls on Nov 29th, 2014. No Tunnel No Way takes you to just before the finish line. The protest has made public transport a major election issue. The trustworthiness of a Government that tries to solve high unemployment with a toll road designed in the 1960s is in question. What will the Labor opposition do? No Tunnel No Way puts you at the moment of community action against arrogant government indifference. Protesters refuse to give up 'their duty to their Melbourne'.

 

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Abstract
This paper examines the changing contribution of local radio to the democratic process in Australia. It takes the whole local area approach suggested by the Broadcasting Services Act 1992, to examine all the services available in three regional areas to assess their potential in facilitating public sphere discussion, disputation and deliberation, and (since the common assumption is that deregulation severely curtailed these processes) it does this in a historical frame, comparing the changes in services from 1976 to 2001. Because of its strengths in the analysis of relationships between the state (public) and private sectors, Habermas’s public sphere theory is used to frame this discussion. Recent theoretical extensions have also seen the welcome elaboration of issues of power (Fraser, 1992, 2000) and the inclusion of a new and subtle range of cultural issues (Peters, 1993; McGuigan, 1997, 2004; Keane, 1998) inside its developing literature.